This thesis examines the possible determinants of women’s low levels of representation in Australian Federal politics in the contemporary era. Chapter 1 focuses on the 'supply side' of political representation and investigates whether women’s political representation in Australia is hindered by a limited supply of capable, willing or electorally attractive female candidates. Although unable to yield any conclusive results, the chapter identifies two plausible resource constraints for women: professional seniority and time, both of which require further investigation. Chapter 2 uses data compiled from the House of Representatives elections between 2007-2019 to assess the role of the two dominant political parties in mediating the electoral prospects of women via the placement of female candidates in particular types of electoral contexts. Focusing on the 'demand side' of political representation, it is found that party gatekeeping in the Australian Labor Party (ALP) is facilitating the entry of more women into parliament by selecting women for marginal seats at a higher rate than other more difficult seat categories. This trend is attributed to the availability of marginal seats as a result of recent election losses and the ALP’s institutionalized commitment to gender parity via gender quotas. Adversely, across elections held between 2007-2019 it is found that no clear pattern of seat distribution exists for female candidates representing the Liberal-National Coalition. Instead, the low number of women selected overall and high male incumbency are found to have a depressing effect on women’s representation within the Coalition’s ranks. Chapter 3 uses the same data set to ascertain whether female candidates are disadvantaged at the ballot box in comparison to their male colleagues placed in similar electoral contexts. No relationship is found between candidate gender and electoral outcome for either party, suggesting that on the aggregate level women are not at a distinct disadvantage because of their gender on election day. Thus, while resource constraints may or may not be a determinant of the levels of women in Australian Federal politics, discrimination against women candidates on the part of voters is not. Party preselection of female candidates does appear to be a significant determinant.
La tesi esamina le possibili determinanti dei bassi livelli di rappresentanza delle donne nella politica australiana nell'era contemporanea. Il capitolo 1 si concentra sull'eventualità che la rappresentanza politica delle donne in Australia sia ostacolata da un'offerta limitata di candidate donne capaci o disponibili. Il capitolo identifica dei limiti di accesso da parte delle donne a due tipi di risorse importanti per l'ingresso nella vita politica: lo status professionale ed il tempo. Tuttavia, il ruolo di entrambi questi fattori richiede ulteriori indagini. Il capitolo 2 utilizza i dati raccolti per le elezioni tra il 2007 e il 2019 per valutare il ruolo dei due partiti politici dominanti nel determinare l'ingresso di donne in parlamento attraverso il posizionamento di candidate donne in particolari tipi di contesti elettorali. Sulla base dei dati analizzati, si è riscontrato che l'Australian Labor Party (ALP) facilita l'ingresso di più donne in parlamento candidandole in seggi "marginali" (ovvero, seggi dove la competizione fra i due partiti è aperta) più frequentemente che in seggi molto difficili o impossibili da vincere. Questa tendenza è attribuita alla maggiore disponibilità di seggi marginali - rispetto a seggi sicuri - a seguito delle recenti perdite elettorali e all'impegno istituzionalizzato dell'ALP per la parità di genere attraverso un sistema interno di quote. Al contrario, non esiste uno schema chiaro di distribuzione dei seggi per le donne candidate dalla Liberal-National Coalition In questo caso, il basso numero totale di donne fra i candidati e l'elevata incumbency maschile hanno un effetto negativo sulla rappresentanza femminile. Il capitolo 3 utilizza lo stesso set di dati per stabilire se le candidate donne sono svantaggiate nelle urne rispetto ai loro colleghi uomini collocati in contesti elettorali simili, al fine di investigare il lato della domanda o la presenza di pregiudizi da parte degli elettori.. I risultati suggeriscono che, a livello aggregato, le donne non sono in netto svantaggio a causa del loro genere il giorno delle elezioni. Così, mentre le limitazioni delle risorse possono o meno essere un fattore determinante dei livelli delle donne nella politica australiana, la discriminazione contro le donne candidate da parte degli elettori non lo è. La preselezione del partito delle candidate donne, in ultimo, sembra essere un fattore determinante.
Crepe nel soffitto di vetro ma progressi lenti: fattori determinanti della rappresentanza delle donne nel Parlamento Federale Australiano nel Ventunesimo secolo
DAVIDSON, MOLLY HANNAH
2019/2020
Abstract
This thesis examines the possible determinants of women’s low levels of representation in Australian Federal politics in the contemporary era. Chapter 1 focuses on the 'supply side' of political representation and investigates whether women’s political representation in Australia is hindered by a limited supply of capable, willing or electorally attractive female candidates. Although unable to yield any conclusive results, the chapter identifies two plausible resource constraints for women: professional seniority and time, both of which require further investigation. Chapter 2 uses data compiled from the House of Representatives elections between 2007-2019 to assess the role of the two dominant political parties in mediating the electoral prospects of women via the placement of female candidates in particular types of electoral contexts. Focusing on the 'demand side' of political representation, it is found that party gatekeeping in the Australian Labor Party (ALP) is facilitating the entry of more women into parliament by selecting women for marginal seats at a higher rate than other more difficult seat categories. This trend is attributed to the availability of marginal seats as a result of recent election losses and the ALP’s institutionalized commitment to gender parity via gender quotas. Adversely, across elections held between 2007-2019 it is found that no clear pattern of seat distribution exists for female candidates representing the Liberal-National Coalition. Instead, the low number of women selected overall and high male incumbency are found to have a depressing effect on women’s representation within the Coalition’s ranks. Chapter 3 uses the same data set to ascertain whether female candidates are disadvantaged at the ballot box in comparison to their male colleagues placed in similar electoral contexts. No relationship is found between candidate gender and electoral outcome for either party, suggesting that on the aggregate level women are not at a distinct disadvantage because of their gender on election day. Thus, while resource constraints may or may not be a determinant of the levels of women in Australian Federal politics, discrimination against women candidates on the part of voters is not. Party preselection of female candidates does appear to be a significant determinant.È consentito all'utente scaricare e condividere i documenti disponibili a testo pieno in UNITESI UNIPV nel rispetto della licenza Creative Commons del tipo CC BY NC ND.
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https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14239/430