In my paper I intend to go over, in detail, the political relations that took place between the European Community and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the Second post war period to the present day, arriving at Brexit. I analyzed the withdrawal agreement approved by the European Council on November 25, 2018 in a general way and then focused on some issues that I find fundamental, such as Citizens' Rights, the problem of traffic between Great Britain and the European Union, especially for the freight transport, and finally I addressed the topic of the Irish border. In order to analyze this recess by the British, I decided to observe and study the path of the United Kingdom, from the invitation of Robert Schuman, proposed by Jean Monnet, to unite the seven Western European powers France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands , Belgium, Luxembourg and the United Kingdom in a Community that would allow them to share the production of coal and steel. From this point, in my opinion, we can start the Euro-British relations, but began with a rejection by the government chaired by Clement Attlee. Attempts were made to join the European Economic Community by the governments of the conservative Arold Macmillan before (1961) and the laborer Harold Wilson (1967) but both were blocked by the former French president Charles De Gaulle. It had to wait for the exit from the international political scene of the General of the "hexagon" to still allow Wilson to make another application for admission to the Community (1969) to ensure that Great Britain and Northern Ireland obtained the membership in 1973 under Edward Heath's conservative government. I faced the referendum of 1975 which asked if the citizens wanted to remain in the European Community, arriving until the 2016 referendum proposed by the conservative David Cameron passing above all from the intense Thatcher period. In order to better discuss the Irish question, I chose to study the case of Northern Ireland, from the issuing of the Ireland Act 1949 to the present day, thus crossing a second half of the twentieth century characterized, unfortunately, by acts of terrorism and clashes between Irish Catholics, Irish Protestants and the British Army, which ended with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. In the historical changes I have also taken into consideration the British relations outside the Union which could in any way lead London back to the "old continent" and at the same time, European relations that could flow into the British sphere of interest. Finally I came to study the complicated path, still unfinished, of British separation. In the conclusions I will show the different possible scenarios of Brexit.
Nel mio elaborato ho intenzione di ripercorrere, in modo dettagliato, le relazioni politiche avvenute tra la Comunità Europea e il Regno Unito di Gran Bretagna e Irlanda del Nord dal Secondo dopo guerra fino ai giorni nostri, arrivando alla Brexit. Ho analizzato in maniera generale l’accordo di recesso approvato dal Consiglio Europeo il 25 novembre 2018 per poi focalizzarmi su alcuni temi che trovo fondamentali come i Diritti dei Cittadini, il problema della viabilità tra la Gran Bretagna e l’Unione Europea, specie per il trasporto merci, e in ultimo ho affrontato il tema del Confine irlandese. Per poter analizzare questo recesso da parte britannica ho deciso di osservare e di studiare il percorso del Regno Unito, dall’invito di Robert Schuman, sotto proposta di Jean Monnet, di unire le sette Potenze euro-occidentali Francia, Germania, Italia, Paesi Bassi, Belgio, Lussemburgo e Regno Unito in una Comunità che permettesse loro di mettere in condivisione la produzione di carbone e acciaio. Da questo punto, a mio parere, possiamo dare un inizio alle relazioni euro-britanniche, cominciate però con un rifiuto da parte del governo presieduto da Clement Attlee. Si susseguirono i tentativi di adesione alla Comunità Economica Europea da parte dei governi del conservatore Arold Macmillan prima (1961) e del labourista Harold Wilson in seguito (1967) ma tutti e due bloccati dall’ex presidente francese Charles De Gaulle. Si dovette aspettare l’uscita dalla scena politica internazionale del Generale dell’”esagono” per permettere ancora a Wilson di fare un’altra domanda di ammissione alla Comunità (1969) per far sì che la Gran Bretagna e l’Irlanda del Nord ottenessero la membership nel 1973 sotto il governo conservatore di Edward Heath. Ho affrontato il referendum del 1975 che chiedeva se i cittadini volessero rimanere nella Comunità Europea, arrivando fino al referendum 2016 proposto dal conservatore David Cameron passando soprattutto dall’intenso periodo thatcheriano. Per poter discutere meglio la questione irlandese ho scelto di studiare il caso dell’Irlanda del Nord, dall’emanazione dell’Ireland Act 1949 fino ai giorni nostri, attraversando così una seconda metà del Novecento caratterizzata, purtroppo, da atti di terrorismo e scontri tra irlandesi cattolici, irlandesi protestanti ed esercito britannico che si conclusero con il Good Friday Agreement del 1998. Negli avvicendamenti storici ho preso in considerazione anche le relazioni britanniche al di fuori dell’Unione che potessero in un qualche modo ricondurre Londra al “vecchio continente” e, allo stesso tempo, le relazioni europee che potessero confluire nella sfera di interesse inglese. Infine sono arrivato a studiare il complicato percorso, ancora oggi non concluso, della separazione britannica. Nelle conclusioni mostrerò i diversi possibili scenari della Brexit.
Brexit, Unione Europea e Regno Unito: da una complicata membership ad un non semplice recesso. Con particolare riflessione su alcuni punti nevralgici dell'accordo approvato dal Consiglio Europeo il 25 novembre 2018.
NAPOLETANO, GIANLUCA ANTONIO
2018/2019
Abstract
In my paper I intend to go over, in detail, the political relations that took place between the European Community and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the Second post war period to the present day, arriving at Brexit. I analyzed the withdrawal agreement approved by the European Council on November 25, 2018 in a general way and then focused on some issues that I find fundamental, such as Citizens' Rights, the problem of traffic between Great Britain and the European Union, especially for the freight transport, and finally I addressed the topic of the Irish border. In order to analyze this recess by the British, I decided to observe and study the path of the United Kingdom, from the invitation of Robert Schuman, proposed by Jean Monnet, to unite the seven Western European powers France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands , Belgium, Luxembourg and the United Kingdom in a Community that would allow them to share the production of coal and steel. From this point, in my opinion, we can start the Euro-British relations, but began with a rejection by the government chaired by Clement Attlee. Attempts were made to join the European Economic Community by the governments of the conservative Arold Macmillan before (1961) and the laborer Harold Wilson (1967) but both were blocked by the former French president Charles De Gaulle. It had to wait for the exit from the international political scene of the General of the "hexagon" to still allow Wilson to make another application for admission to the Community (1969) to ensure that Great Britain and Northern Ireland obtained the membership in 1973 under Edward Heath's conservative government. I faced the referendum of 1975 which asked if the citizens wanted to remain in the European Community, arriving until the 2016 referendum proposed by the conservative David Cameron passing above all from the intense Thatcher period. In order to better discuss the Irish question, I chose to study the case of Northern Ireland, from the issuing of the Ireland Act 1949 to the present day, thus crossing a second half of the twentieth century characterized, unfortunately, by acts of terrorism and clashes between Irish Catholics, Irish Protestants and the British Army, which ended with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. In the historical changes I have also taken into consideration the British relations outside the Union which could in any way lead London back to the "old continent" and at the same time, European relations that could flow into the British sphere of interest. Finally I came to study the complicated path, still unfinished, of British separation. In the conclusions I will show the different possible scenarios of Brexit.È consentito all'utente scaricare e condividere i documenti disponibili a testo pieno in UNITESI UNIPV nel rispetto della licenza Creative Commons del tipo CC BY NC ND.
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https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14239/7002